roes 

Mob  Murder 
In  America 

The  Challenge  Which 
Lynching  Brings 
to  the  Churches 

¥ 


OB  violence  is  becoming  a crowd  habit. 
1 ' 1 When  life  and  property  are  ruthlessly 
taken,  when  men  and  women  are  lynched 
with  no  protection  from  officers  or  courts, 
law  and  order  are  trampled  under  foot. 
We  call  upon  the  pulpit,  the  press  and  all 
good  people  to  create  a public  sentiment 
that  will  support  necessary  legislation  for 
the  enforcement  of  existing  laws,  that  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  may  be 
equally  assured  to  all  classes.” 

— Statement  of  Federal  Council  of 

Churches,  September  4,  1919. 

¥ 


Federal  Council  of  the  Churches 
of  Christ  in  America 

March,  1923 


“We  unhesitatingly  declare  lynching  to  be  a 
crime  against  the  honor  of  our  nation.  . . . 
We,  therefore,  recommend  that  in  the  pulpit, 
in  the  religious  press  and  denominational  lit- 
erature, and  in  every  other  possible  way,  the 
Christian  forces  of  the  South  unhesitatingly 
and  uncompromisingly  condemn  and  oppose  all 
mob  violence,  and  that  the  voice  of  our  united 
Christian  effort  be  steadfastly  raised  in  the 
defense  of  the  sacredness  of  life  and  of  law 
and  order.” — Southern  Church  Leaders’  Con- 
ference, Blue  Ridge,  N.  C.,  August,  1920. 


“We  especially  urge  that  everything  possible 
be  done  to  prevent  lynchings.  . . . This  crime 
of  crimes,  which  is  not  only  a complete  sub- 
version of  law,  but  a stroke  at  the  very  life  of 
law  itself,  has  discredited  our  nation  in  the 
eyes  of  other  civilized  nations  and  brought  un- 
dying obloquy  upon  many  of  the  states  of  the 
Union.” — Quadrennial  Address,  Bishops  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South,  Hot 
Springs,  Ark.,  May,  1922. 


“We  are  convinced  that  if  there  is  any  one 
crime  more  dangerous  than  another,  it  is  ‘that 
crime  which  strikes  at  the  root  of  and  under- 
mines constituted  authority,  breaks  all  laws 
and  restraints  of  civilization,  substitutes  mob 
violence  and  masked  irresponsibility  for  estab- 
lished justice,’  and  deprives  society  of  a sense 
of  protection  against  barbarism. 

“Therefore,  we  believe  that  ‘no  falser  ap- 
peal can  be  made  to  southern  manhood  than 
that  mob  violence  is  necessary  for  the  protec- 
tion of  womanhood,’  or  that  the  brutal  practice 
of  lynching  and  burning  of  human  beings  is  an 
expression  of  chivalry.  We  believe  that  these 
methods  are  ‘no  protection  to  anything  or  any- 
body, but  that  they  jeopardize  every  right  and 
every  security  that  we  possess.’” — Action  of 
Women  Members,  Georgia  State  Committee  on 
Race  Cooperation. 


The  Atrocious  Character  of 
the  Evil 


IT  hardly  seems  credible  that  America,  with  its 
great  Christian  churches  and  its  missionary  enter- 
prises, its  homes,  schools  and  courts,  permitted 
between  1885  and  1922,  4,154  persons  to  be  lynched 
by  mobs.  Of  the  total  number  lynched  during  this 
period,  1,034  were  white  and  3,120 — i.e.,  3 out  of  4 — 
were  Negro  victims.  Doubtless  many  more  of  whom 
no  record  was  made  were  similarly  murdered.  In 
1919  there  were  8 3 persons  lynched;  in  1920  there 
were  61;  in  1921,  64,  and  in  1922  there  were  at  least 
57  lynched. 

Some  of  those  lynched  by  mobs  were  charged  with 
crime;  many  of  them  were  charged  with  misdemean- 
ors only;  some  only  with  words  or  acts  which  are 
nowhere  at  any  time  punishable  by  law.  All  were 
slain  without  trial  where  they  might  have  faced  their 
accusers,  had  witnesses  and  had  the  evidence  con- 
sidered by  a lawful  judge  or  jury.  The  frenzied  mob 
was  judge,  jury,  and  executioner. 

In  many  cases  persons  not  sought  by  the  mobs  have 
been  lynched  by  mistake,  so  wild  and  savage  has  been 
the  procedure.  Some  of  the  victims  suffered  inde- 
scribable torture,  such  as  saturation  of  parts  of  the 
body  with  kerosene  or  gasoline  so  that  they  could  be 
burned  piecemeal,  branding  with  hot  irons,  or  the 
gouging  out  of  eyes  and  ears  with  red-hot  rods. 

In  some  cases  these  atrocities  have  been  perpetrated 
within  sight  of  the  churches  of  the  community.  Here 
is  an  extract  from  two  newspaper  descriptions  of  a 
Sunday  morning  incident  near  the  public  square  of  a 
* * * town  not  far  from  two  churches: 

“While  bound  to  an  iron  post  with  logging  chains, 
the  Negro  looked  on  in  dumb  wonder  at  the  stern- 
visaged  men  who  heated  pokers  and  smoothing  irons 
until  they  were  as  fiery  as  the  flames  that  licked  them 
hot  . . . Children  on  the  outskirts  romped  and 
played,  their  merry  voices  rising  above  the  hushed 
hubbub  of  the  mob.  At  last  the  irons  were  hot  . . 

“It  was  estimated  that  fully  7000  persons  saw 
Scott  burned  to  death.  It  was  fully  half  an  hour  after 
the  Negro  had  been  chained  to  the  post  before  he  was 
burned  with  hot  pokers.  His  eyes,  face  and  body  were 
burned  with  irons  before  the  fire  was  lighted  . . . .” 
Then  rubbish  was  piled  high  about  the  agonized  body, 
squirming  beneath  its  load.  More  and  more  wood 
and  rubbish  were  fed  the  fire,  but  at  three  o’clock 
Lation  Scott  was  not  dead  . . . Life  finally  fled  at 
four  o’clock.” 

A newspaper  description  of  another  burning  is  as 
follows: 

“The  captors  proceeded  to  a spot  about  a quarter 
of  a mile  from  the  railroad  station  and  prepared  the 
death  fire.  The  crowd  followed  and  remained  through- 
out the  horrible  proceedings.  The  Negro  was  led  to 
a hickory  tree,  to  which  they  chained  him. 

“After  securing  him  to  the  tree  a fire  was  laid. 
A short  distance  away  another  fire  was  kindled,  and 
into  it  was  put  an  iron  bar  to  heat.  When  the  bar 
became  red  hot  a member  of  the  mob  jabbed  it  to- 

[3] 


ward  the  Negro’s  body.  Crazed  with  frirht,  the  black 
grabbed  hold  of  it,  and  as  it  was  pulled  through  his 
hands  the  atmosphere  was  filled  with  the  odor  of  burn- 
ing flesh.  This  was  the  first  time  the  murderer  gave 
evidence  of  his  will  being  broken.  Scream  after 
scream  rent  the  air.  As  the  hot  iron  was  applied  to 
various  parts  of  his  body  his  yelling  and  cries  for 
mercy  could  be  heard  in  the  town.” 

Here  is  a newspaper  description  of  still  another 
scene: 

“Burn  Negro  to  Death  by  Inches.”  (headline)  . . . 
“With  the  Negro  chained  to  a log,  members  of  the 
mob  placed  a small  pile  of  leaves  around  his  feet. 
Gasoline  was  then  poured  on  the  leaves,  and  the  carry- 
ing out  of  the  death  sentence  was  under  way.  Inch  by 
inch  the  Negro  was  fairly  cooked  to  death.  Every 
few  minutes  fresh  leaves  were  tossed  on  the  funeral 
pyre  until  the  blaze  had  passed  the  Negro’s  waist. 
As  the  flames  were  eating  away  his  abdomen,  a mem- 
ber of  the  mob  stepped  forward  and  saturated  the  body 
with  gasoline.  It  was  then  only  a few  minutes  until 
the  Negro  had  been  reduced  to  ashes.” 

Lynchings  are  often  definitely  planned  and  carried 
out.  Here  are  a few  illustrations  chosen  from  ac- 
counts in  leading  city  newspapers  following  lynchings: 

1.  “Late  last  night  the  jailer  was  enticed  away 
from  the  prison  on  the  pretense  of  a call  to  make  an 
arrest.  As  soon  as  he  was  out  of  hearing  a mob  of 
200  maskerf^jiSr went  to  the  jail  and  took  the  keys 
from  his  wife;  and,  securing  the  three  prisoners, 
took  them  to  the  Tennessee  River  bridge  and  placed 
a strong  rope  around  the  neck  of  each,  tied  the  other 
end  of  the  rope  to  the  timbers  of  the  bridge  and  com- 
pelled their  victims  to  jump.” 

2.  (Summarized.)  “Masked  mob  entered  the  jail 
at  two  a.  m.  and  took  out  nine  prisoners — one  white 
man  and  eight  Negroes.  Eight  were  shot  to  death, 
and  one,  a Negro,  escaped  death  after  being  wounded. 
The  mob  overpowered  the  town  marshal  and  the 
jailer,  carried  the  men  out  and  tied  them  to  fence 
posts  by  their  necks  and  then  fired  five  volleys  into 
their  bodies.  Only  one  of  the  prisoners  had  been 
convicted — a Negro,  under  sentence  of  death  for  the 
murder  of  another  Negro.” 

3.  “8,000  Will  Burn  Negro.”  (headline)  . . . 
“The  lynching  has  now  been  fixed  at  five  p.  m.  A 
Committee  of  Ellisville  citizens  has  been  appointed  to 
make  necessary  arrangements  for  the  event  and  the 
mob  is  pledged  to  act  in  conformity  with  these  ar- 
rangements. . . . Three  thousand  strangers  are  in 
Ellisville  today  to  witness  the  disposition  of  John 
Hartfield.  . . . Officers  are  unable  to  control  the 
crowds.” 

4.  “Avengers  Set  Six  o’clock  as  Lynching  Hour.” 
(headline).  “A  party  of  seven  in  two  automobiles 
with  Henry  Lowry,  Negro  murderer,  . . . stopped 
here  at  12:20  o'clock  Wednesday  afternoon,  . . . 
to  Richardson’s  landing  where  they  will  cross  and 
be  joined  by  a party  waiting  on  the  Arkansas  side, 
prepared  to  lynch  Lowry  promptly  at  six  o’clock.” 
(Later  Associated  Press  dispatches  gave  full  account 
of  the  burning  as  planned). 

[4] 


Bnf“b  “Ur^ere]rs  }'ave  had  regard  for  womanhood 
and  motherhood.  During  the  years  188  9-1921  eightv- 

T°mon’  seventeen  of  them  white  women,  were 
lynched.  Several  of  these  women  were  about  to  be- 
come mothers  or  had  nursing  infants.  Some  of  them 

?•  Wlth  8avage  tortures-  »»«*  as  bur  “ 
ing  and  disemboweling.  Such  brutality  might  be 
expected  in  pagan  times  or  heathen  countries,  but  by 
no  means  in  a civilized  land  today. 

This  is  not  all  of  the  story.  Mob  law  vi=5i'  ILS 

terror  not  onlv  unon  wnen  a mob 

starts,  (and  that  may  be  at  any  time  in  many  com- 
munities) the  life  and  person  of  any  individual  Negro 
or  member  of  other  hated  groups  may  be  sacrificed. 
Thus  paralyzing  fear  for  life  and  safety  haunts  the 
minds  of  millions  of  our  neighbors  and  fellow  citizens. 
They  grow  prematurely  old  under  suffering  from  such 
fear. 


The  Extent  of  the  Lynching  Evil 

The  States  free  from  this  blot  are  few  in  number. 
There  are  only  four — Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Vermont — where  such  an  atrocity 
has  not  been  recorded  for  any  community  in  the  Com- 
monwealth. In  four  others — Connecticut,  Maine,  New 
Jersey,  and  Utah — there  has  been  no  recorded  lynch- 
ing since  188  9.  During  the  past  ten  years,  so  far  as 
records  show,  the  territory  of  ten  additional  states — 
Delaware,  Idaho,  Indiana,  Iowa,  UtG&f  Maryland, 
Michigan,  Nevada,  Pennsylvania,  South  Dakota,  and 
Wisconsin — has  been  free  from  the  evil.  It  is  true 
that  much  of  the  territory  in  the  states  where  lynch- 
ings  have  occurred  is  free  from  this  blot  and  that 
probably  the  majority  of  citizens  in  those  states  are 
opposed  to  the  evil.  The  responsibility,  however,  rests 
primarily  upon  the  states  to  protect  the  lives  of  all 
Persons  anywhere  within  their  boundaries. 

The  record  by  years  gives  a startling  picture  of  law- 
lessness. According  to  the  figures  in  the  Negro  Year 
there  was  a slow  decrease  in  the  number  of 
rncaugs  from  the  climax  of  255  in  1892  and  200 
in  1 8 9 6 ii  tv  o *j  in  1 d o ▼ . tx — i— c i — - - 

there  was  a-a  increase;  then  a slow  decrease  until 
1918,  when  an  alarming  tendency  to  increase  again 
was  manifested. 

Of  the  4,154  mob  victims  from  1885  to  1922  in- 
clusive, the  number  of  white  victims  has  rapidly  de- 
creased, particularly  smce  1901,  having  been  less  than 
ten  each  year,  except  in  Vwo  years,  since  1903.  Among 
the  white  victims  were  a German  (during  the  War), 
Italians,  Mexicans,  and  Jews,  indicating  that  race 
prejudice  was  a prime  factor.  The  number  of  Negro 
victims  di’ ring  the  same  period  has  fluctuated  slowly 
downward  but  ranged  between  50  and  100,  except  in 
1902  when  the  number  reported  was  104,  and  in 
1917  when  the  number  reported  was  38.  There  is 
evidence  to  indicate  that  during  later  years  lynchings 
of  Negroes  have  been  concealed  from  the  newspapers. 
Therefore  no  records  of  them  were  secured.  The  fol- 
lowing diagram,  based  upon  figures  given  in  the  Negro 
Year-book,  1921-22,  shows  graphically  the  trend  of 
lynching  each  year  from  1885  to  1922: 

[5] 


[ 6 ] 


Diagram  Showing  White,  Ntqro,  Total  Number  of  Victims  Lynched  by  Years,  1885  to  1922 . 

u/tonfiyurtr^  i.'n  Ne<jrv  Year  Book  /#*?/—/£?*?£ 


Alleged  Crimes  of  the  Victims 

Rape  is  usually  alleged  as  the  principal  cause  of 
lynchings.  Certainly  such  a crime  could  not  be  at- 
tributed to  the  83  women  victims!  As  a matter  of 
fact,  nearly  four-fifths  of  all  the  lynchings  in  thirty- 
seven  years  have  been  for  alleged  crimes  other  than 
rape  or  for  alleged  acts  that  are  not  crimes  or  mis- 
demeanors under  any  law,  common  or  statute. 

Out  of  4,097  victims  only  829 — 60  whites  and  769 
Negroes — were  lynched  on  the  charge  of  rape  or  at- 
tempted rape.  This  is  only  20.2  percent  of  the  total. 
And  it  should  be  remembered  that  these  men  had 
been  accused,  not  convicted,  of  the  crime. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  noted  that  the  Census 
records  of  1904  for  prison  commitments  for  rape  per 
100,000  of  the  total  population  show  that  Negroes  had 
a lower  rate  for  this  crime  than  Italian,  Mexican, 
Austrian,  Hungarian,  French,  or  Russian  elements  of 
the  population.*  If  all  Negroes  who  were  accused 
of  rape  for  that  year  and  lynched  without  trial  were 
added  to  the  number  committed  to  prism  for  that 
crime,  the  percentage  would  still  probaOly  be  lower 
than  that  of  all  these  nationalities,  except  the  French 
and  the  Russian.** 

Again,  in  1911  the  convictions  for  rape  in  New 
York  City  Court  of  Genial  Sessions,  in  comparison 
with  those  for  other  c«mes,  shows  Negroes  0.5  per 
cent;  native  whites  0^  per  cent;  and  foreign  whites, 
1.8  per  cent.  The  n*me  year,  the  Chicago  police  ar- 
rests for  rape,  in  comparison  with  arrests  for  other 
crimes  showed  -Negroes  0.34  per  cent;  native  whites 
0.30  per  cer-.‘  foreign  whites,  0.3  5 per  cent.f 

More  t'an  one-third  of  the  victims  lynched  since 
1889  w're  accused  of  homicide  or  felonious  assault. 
It  shculd  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  all  other  civilized 
couitries  persons  so  accused  are  duly  tried  in  a court 
<vf  law  and  when  proven  guilty  are  punished.  Only 
in  the  United  States  are  they  likely  to  be  hurried 
into  eternity  by  lynchers  without  opportunity  to  face 
their  accusers  in  a court  of  law.  About  one-twelfth 
were  accused  of  crime  against  property;  some  were 
alleged  to  have  “insulted”  white  persons;  and  more 
than  14  5 were  not  recorded  as  accused  of  any  crime 
whatsoever.ff 

“Mob  law”  undermines  the  very  foundations  of 
government,  law,  and  order.  The  future  of  our  Am- 
erican system  of  government  is  involved. 

Two  typical  illustrations  of  many  incidents  are: 

1.  "In  the  court-room,  sentence  had  been  passed  on 
Reed  and  Cato,  and  the  judge  had  just  congratulated 
the  people  on  ‘their  splendid  regard  for  the  law  under 
very  trying  conditions.’  Then  the  mob  broke  in.  A 
brother  of  the  murdered  Hodges,  a minister  from 
Texas,  rose  magnificently  to  the  occasion.  With  tears 
streaming  down  his  face,  he  begged  the  mob  to  let  the 
law  take  its  course. 

♦Negro  Year  Book,  1921-22;  p.  72,  353. 

♦•Haynes  G.  E.,  The  Trend  of  The  Races,  p 38; 

Negro  Year  Book.  p.  353. 
tNegro  Year  Book,  1921-22;  p.  72,  343. 

ttThirty  Years  of  Lynching  in  the  United  States.  1889-1918,  Pamphlet  pub- 
lished by  the  National  Association  (or  the  Advancement  of  Colored 
People,  pp,  36-37, 


[7] 


“ ‘We  don’t  want  religion,  we  want  blood,'  yelled  a 
voice.  . . . The  leaders  plunged  down  the  court-room 
and  into  the  witness  chamber  where  the  Negroes  sat 
with  their  wives,  Reed’s  wife  with  a young  baby.  The 
officers  of  the  law  accommodatingly  indicated  the  right 
Negroes,  and  the  mob  dragged  them  out.” 

2.  "A  message  from to  'The  Journal 

and  Tribune’  says  that  Ed  Johnson,  the  Negro  con- 
victed of  rape,  in  whose  case  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court 
granted  an  appeal  today,  was  lynched  at  eleven  o’clock 
tonight.  A determined  mob  battered  down  the  Jail 
doors,  and  after  a show  of  resistance  was  made,  took 
Johnson  out  and  lynched  him.” 

Ours  is  now  the  only  civilized  country  where  human 
beings  are  publicly  burned  at  the  stake.  We  are  a 
government  of  law.  If  the  law  is  broken  down  and 
no  longer  has  the  respect  and  observance  of  the  com- 
munities in  the  safeguarding  of  life  and  liberty,  then 
nothing  else  is  safe.  There  is  no  condition  of  society 
anywhere  which  justifies  or  excuses  the  mob’s  tram- 
pling of  v.Uman  rights  under  foot.  Either  America 
must  make  tbe  life  and  property  of  every  citizen  and 
resident  secure,  no  matter  how  humble  or  black,  or 
else  no  citizen  is  safe. 

Measures  to  Prevent  Lynchings 

Growing  out  of  past  years  »f  experience  those  who 
have  dealt  with  this  evil  recommend  that: 

1.  States  that  do  not  have  special  laws  against 
lynching  should  enact  them.  Six  states  have  such 
laws  now.  The  Kentucky  law  passed  <n  1920  pro- 
vides that  the  penalty  for  lynching  shaj  be  death 
or  life  imprisonment  and  that  penalty  for  -ttempted 
lynching  shall  be  confinement  in  the  peniontiary 
for  not  less  than  two  years  nor  more  than  twentv.five 
years.  The  North  Carolina  law  permits  the  judgb  0f 
the  Court  issuing  the  indictment  to  transfer  tria’. 
of  the  case  to  another  court  without  preliminary 
appearance  of  the  defendant  before  him;  this  allows 
the  accused  to  be  taken  Into  another  county  for  safe- 
keeping and  to  be  tried  there  without  danger  of  be- 
ing mobbed.  The  Minnesota  law  and  the  Ohio  law 
have  drastic  penalties  for  lynchers  and  measures  to 
prevent  lynchings.  The  South  Carolina  law  gives 
parties  injured  either  in  person  or  property  as  a re- 
sult of  any  riot  or  mob  right  to  sue  in  the  courts  for 
damages  against  the  county  in  which  the  injury  takes 
place.  In  1920  a widow  of  a Negro  who  was  lynched 
in  Laurens  County  was  awarded  a verdict  of  $2,000 
damages  by  a court. 

Leading  newspapers  have  pointed  out  that  if  the 
states  allow  lynching  and  mob  outlawry  to  continue, 
the  Federal  law  will  ultimately  be  invoked.  A meas- 
ure known  as  the  Dyer  Anti-Lynching  Bill  passed  the 
U.  S.  House  of  Representatives  in  1922;  was  intro- 
duced into  the  Senate;  was  killed  by  a filibuster,  and 
aroused  a Nation-wide  discussion  of  the  lynching  evil. 

2.  Efforts  to  secure  court  trials  and  convictions  of 
participants  in  mobs  should  be  undertaken  in  every 
state  or  locality  where  they  occur.  To  this  end  it  is 
suggested  that  the  State  authorities  be  given  power 

[8] 


by  law,  if  they  do  not  already  have  it,  to  shift  judges 
and  prosecuting  attorneys  and  to  make  change  of 
venue  for  trials  easier. 

3.  In  states  where  he  does  not  already  possess 
it,  the  governor  should  be  given  power  to  remove  a 
sheriff  who  is  proven  derelict  in  his  duty.  In  South 
Carolina,  Kentucky,  and  Florida  the  governor  has 
this  power.  In  Alabama  the  law  provides  that  the 
sheriff  be  tried  by  the  State  Supreme  Court.  With 
such  power  and  the  growth  of  public  opinion  to  sup- 
port them  governors  can  act  effectively. 

4.  A mounted  police  force  may  be  provided  by 
the  state.  The  state  police  have  been  effective  in 
preventing  lynchings  in  Tennessee.  A law  creating 
such  a constabulary  was  enacted  in  1919. 

5.  Public  spirited  citizens  should  back  up  sheriffs 
and  prosecutors  who  perform  their  duties  against 
mobs  and  should  take  action  against  those  who  fail 
in  their  duties.  About  eight  hundred  citizens  of 
one  Georgia  County  signed  up  to  help  the  sheriff  pro- 
tect a prisoner,  if  necessary.  When  this  was  known 
no  mob  formed.  In  1922  high-minded  citizens  of 
the  Georgia  Committee  on  Race  Relations  led  the 
efforts  which  resulted  in  twenty-two  indictments,  in- 
cluding one  deputy  sheriff,  following  lynchings  in 
eight  instances.  Four  of  twenty-two  persons  indicted 
have  already  been  convicted  and  sentenced  to  the  peni- 
tentiary. The  significance  of  this  is  shown  in  the  fact 
that  during  37  years  preceding  there  has  been  430 
lynchings  in  that  state  and  only  one  indictment  for 
unlawful  assemblage. 

6.  Public  opinion  is  the  great  lever  that  moves  the 
officers  and  Instruments  of  the  law.  The  public  press 
is  the  greatest  factor  in  moulding  this  opinion. 
Whatever  action  is  taken  to  keep  the  editorial  col- 
umns and  news  columns  turned  against  this  great 
evil  will  prevent  its  further  spread  and  make  for  its 
abolition. 

What  the  Churches  Can  Do 

Mob  murder  mocks  Christian  ideals.  The  mobbing 
and  lynching  of  men  and  women  is  a savage  practice 
and  will  render  our  Christian  profession  hypocritical. 
It  flouts  the  very  foundation  principle  of  human 
brotherhood  for  which  the  Christian  church  stands. 
The  red  record  of  mob  murder  is  a heart-rending 
alarm  to  the  churches  and  a crucial  challenge  to 
them  to  determine  whether  Christianity  or  savagery 
shall  rule  in  our  communities. 

We  can  never  hope  that  the  Gospel  will  come  with 
its  true  power  to  the  colored  races  of  Asia  and  Africa 
so  long  as  the  very  land  which  sends  the  missionaries 
does  not  itself  assure  humane  and  Christian  treatment 
for  all  its  citizens.  Indeed  the  lynching  evil,  as 
missionaries  and  travelers  have  often  told  us,  has 
long  been  held  up  as  a reproach  against  Christian 
America  in  such  lands  as  India,  China,  and  Japan, 
where  no  such  record  prevails. 

Rabindranath  Tagore,  in  reply  to  an  American’s 
question  as  to  what  he  thought  of  America’s  mission- 
ary enterprise  in  India,  pointed  to  a newspaper  clip- 

[9] 


ping  which  reported  the  burning  alive  of  two  Negroes 
In  America,  and  said,  “So  long  as  this  goes  on  In 
your  own  land,  do  you  think  you  have  any  Christianity 
to  export?” 

There  are  things  which  church  members  as  In- 
dividuals, inspired  by  the  Christian  conception  of  life, 
can  and  should  do,  which  the  Church  in  its  organized 
capacity  may  not  be  able  to  do.  The  following  are 
suggestions  of  some  ways  in  which  Christian  citizens 
may  help  to  abolish  the  lynching  evil  and  to  secure 
Christian  relations  between  the  races: 

1.  As  voters,  they  can  help  directly  to  secure  ade- 
quate legislation  against  lynching.  Legislators  gen- 
erally act  in  about  the  way  they  think  expresses  the 
real  wishes  of  their  constituencies. 

2.  In  order  to  make  it  possible  for  lynchers  to  be 
prosecuted  properly  they  may  contribute  to  funds  for 
legal  aid  of  competent  legal  counsel  to  secure  and 
present  the  necessary  evidence.  The  Commission  on 
Interracial  Cooperation,  with  headquarters  at  the 
Palmer  Building,  Atlanta,  Ga.,  is  one  of  the  agencies 
in  a position  to  receive  and  make  effective  use  of  such 
contributions. 

3.  They  can  help  to  create  a better  public  opinion 
by  influencing  local  newspapers  to  take  a fair  and  just 
attitude  on  racial  questions.  In  other  ways  they  can 
join  with  others  in  creating  a public  opinion  which 
will  bring  participants  in  mobs  to  trial. 

There  are  other  things  which  the  churches  in  their 
organized  capacity  can  and  should  do  to  hasten  the 
abolition  of  the  lynching  evil.  The  following  are  a 
few  suggestions: 

1.  The  supreme  contribution  of  the  church  will 
always  be  in  effectively  holding  up  the  Christian  ideal 
of  relations  between  the  races.  Unless  men  can  be 
persuaded  that  the  way  of  mutual  respect,  friendly 
cooperation,  and  positive  goodwill — the  Christian  way 
— will  really  work,  we  shall  not  make  much  progress 
in  removing  the  stain  of  lynching  from  our  civilization. 
The  pulpits  of  the  Churches  have  the  ears  of  millions, 
and  can,  if  they  will,  stir  the  conscience  of  their 
congregations  against  the  savage  practice  of  lynching. 

2.  The  churches  can  impress  the  dangers  of  lynch- 
ing atrocities  and  their  awful  effects  upon  the  people, 
the  communities,  and  the  Nation  by  a distribution  of 
literature  on  these  evils.  Such  facts  as  this  pamphlet 
has  described  are  not  known  to  the  great  rank  and  file 
of  church  members. 

3.  A series  of  educational  talks  or  lectures  on 
Negro  progress  and  the  better  side  of  race  relations 
can  be  provided.  Pamphlet  literature  on  these  sub- 
jects is  being  prepared  by  the  Commission  on  the 
Church  and  Race  Relations  of  the  Federal  Council 
of  Churches  and  the  Commission  on  Interracial  Co- 
operation, Atlanta,  Ga.,  and  can  be  had  upon  request. 

4.  Conferences  and  meetings  of  church  leaders 
may  be  held  for  recommending  measures  to  prevent 
lynchings  and  for  formulating  plans  to  secure  the 
cooperation  of  all  the  moral  forces  of  the  community 
or  commonwealth. 


r io  i 


6.  As  & practical  way  of  helping  church  members 
of  the  two  races  to  understand  and  appreciate  each 
other  better,  Race  Relations  Sunday  may  be  observed. 
The  second  Sunday  in  February  is  recommended  by 
the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches.  It  affords  a 
special  opportunity  when  consciences  may  be  stirred 
against  lynching  and  when  an  interchange  of  visitors 
and  of  speakers  between  the  churches  of  the  two  races 
may  be  made  in  a way  that  will  replace  prejudice  and 
hatred  with  mutual  understanding,  goodwill  and  co- 
operation. 


FEDERAL  COUNCIL  OF  THE  CHURCHES  OF 
CHRIST  IN  AMERICA 

Robert  E.  Speer,  President 
Alfred  R.  Kimball,  Treasurer 
Charles  S.  Macfarland 
Samuel  McCrea  Cavert 

General  Secretaries 

COMMISSION  ON  THE  CHURCH  AND  RACE 
RELATIONS 

John  J.  Eagan,  Chairman 
George  E.  Haynes 
Will  W.  Alexander 

Secretaries. 


Personnel  of  the  Commission 

Abernethy,  Rev.  W.  S Washington,  D.  C. 

Ainslie,  Rev.  Peter Baltimore,  Md. 

Alexander,  Rev.  Will  W Atlanta,  Ga. x 

Anderson,  Rev.  Stonewall Nashville,  Tenn. 

Anderson,  Bishop  William  F Cincinnati,  Ohio 

Barbour,  President  Clarence  A . . . . Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Bethune,  Mrs.  Mary  McLeod Daytona,  Fla. 

Bickett,  Mrs.  T.  W Raleigh,  N.  C. 

Bitting,  Rev.  W.  C St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Blackwell,  Pres.  R.  E Ashland,  Va. 

Bowie,  Rev.  W.  Russell New  York  City 

Bratton,  Rt.  Rev.  Theodore  D Jackson,  Miss. 

Brown,  Mrs.  Charlotte  Hawkins Sedalia,  N.  C. 

Brown,  Prof.  William  Adams New  York  City 

Brown,  Rev.  W.  C Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Burroughs,  Miss  Nannie  H Washington,  D.  C. 

Cady,  Rev.  Geo.  L New  York  City 

Cannon,  Bishop  James,  Jr Birmingham,  Ala. 

Cleaves,  Bishop  N.  C St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Clement,  Bishop  George  C Louisville,  Ky. 

Coffin,  Rev.  Henry  Sloane New  York  City 

Coleman,  Mrs.  George  W Boston,  Mass. 

Cory,  Rev.  A.  E Kinston,  N.  C. 

Cranford,  Mrs.  J.  H Jasper,  Ala. 

Cunningham,  Mrs.  Effle  L St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Dillard,  Dr.  James  H Charlottesville,  Va. 

Dix,  Mr.  Philo  C Louisville,  Ky. 

Eagan,  Mr.  John  J Atlanta,  Ga. 

Fisher,  Prof.  Isaac Nashville,  Tenn. 

Fisher,  Rev.  Samuel  J Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Garrett,  Dr.  Alfred  C Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Gaston,  Rev.  J.  M Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Glenn,  Mr.  John  M New  York  City 


[11] 


Hawkins,  Prof.  John  R Washington,  D.  C. 

Haynes,  Dr.  George  E New  York  City 

Head,  Miss  Mabel Chicago,  111. 

Heard,  Bishop  W.  H Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hope,  Pres.  John Atlanta,  Ga. 

Hovey,  Rev.  George  R New  York  City 

Hughes,  Rev.  W.  A.  C Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Jackson,  Mr.  Marion  M Atlanta,  Ga^ 

Jernagin,  Rev.  W.  H Washington,  D.  C. 

Johnson,  Mrs.  Luke Atlanta,  Ga^ 

Jones,  Rev.  Carter  Helm Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Jones,  Rev.  M.  Ashby Atlanta,  Ga.  ^ 

Jones,  Prof.  Rufus  M Haverford,  Pa. 

Jones,  Bishop  Robert  E New  Orleans,  La. 

Jones,  Dr.  Thomas  Jesse New  York  City 

King,  Mr.  R.  H Atlanta,  Ga.- 

Kingsley,  Rev.  Harold  M Cleveland,  Ohio 

Lindley,  Miss  Grace New  York  City 

Lingle,  Prof.  W.  L Richmond,  Va. 

Martin,  Rev.  J.  W St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Maveety,  Rev.  P.  J Cincinnati,  Ohio 

McGranahan,  Rev.  R.  W Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Miller,  Prof.  Kelly Washington,  D.  C. 

Mitchell,  Dr.  S.  C Richmond,  Va. . 

Montgomery,  Mrs.  Helen  Barrett.  . . .Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Moore,  Bishop  John  M Dallas,  Texas 

Morris,  Rev.  S.  L Atlanta,  Ga. 

Moton,  Principal  R.  R Tuskegee,  Ala. 

Munford,  Mrs.  B.  B Richmond  Va. 

Parrish,  Rev.  C.  H Louisville,  Ky. 

Peabody,  Mr.  George  Foster.  .Saratoga  Springs,  N.  Y. 

Penn,  Rev.  I.  Garland Cincinnati,  Ohio 

Perry,  Dr.  J.  W Atlanta,  Ga. 

Phillips,  Bishop  C.  H Nashville,  Tenn. 

Poling,  Rev.  Daniel  A New  York  City 

Poteat,  Dr.  W.  L Wake  Forest,  N.  C.  ' 

Pratt,  Rev.  Charles  H Montgomery,  Ala. 

Reese,  Rt.  Rev.  F.  F Savannah,  Ga. 

Randall,  President  John  D Chester  County,  Pa. 

Richardson,  Bishop  E.  G Atlanta,  Ga. 

Roundy,  Rev.  Rodney  W New  York  City 

Schaeffer,  Rev.  Charles  E Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Smith,  Bishop  C.  S Detroit,  Mich. 

Stearns,  Mrs.  J.  M St.  Louis,  Mo.' 

Sweets,  Rev.  Henry  H Louisville,  Ky. 

Telford,  Rev.  R.  L Richmond,  Ky. 

Thirkield,  Mrs.  Wilbur  P Mexico  City,  Mexico 

Thirkield,  Bishop  Wilbur  P Mexico  City,  Mexico 

Tobias,  Rev.  Channing  H.  New  York  City 

Townsend,  Rev.  A.  M Nashville,  Tenn. 

Weatherford,  Dr.  W.  D Nachville,  Tenn. 

Wilkinson,  Mrs.  Marian  B Orangeburg,  S.  C. 

Winsborough,  Mrs.  W.  C St.  Louis,  Mo.- 


/ 


For  additional  literature  on  Lynching  and  other  Race 
Relations  topics,  write: 

COMMISSION  ON  THE  CHURCH 
AND  RACE  RELATIONS 

105  EAST  22D  STREET 
NEW  YORK  CITY 

[12] 


